The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo were the first major group to organize against the Argentina regime's human rights violations. Together, the women created a dynamic and unexpected force, which existed in opposition to traditional constraints on women in Latin America. These mothers came together to push for information on their own children and this highlighted the human rights violations and the scale of the protest drew press attention, raising awareness on a local and global scale. Their persistence to publicly remember and try to find their children, the sustained group organisation, the use of symbols and slogans, and the silent weekly protests attracted reactive measures from those in power. [1] The first spontaneous march came on 3 June 2015, in reaction to the murder of 14-year-old Chiara Páez, who was found buried underneath her boyfriend’s house after being beaten to death and a few months pregnant. I’m visiting Gleeson’s combination atelier and apartment, on top of an old garment factory that’s been turned into a metal artist’s workshop in the working-class neighborhood of Barracas. Built on the swampy banks of the Matanza River, this formerly upscale area is now marked by moldering, 19th-century townhouses interspersed with mothballed factories. Gleeson’s atelier looks like the set of a shabby-chic Anthropologie catalogue shoot, with peeling paint, yellowed artwork, mismatched antique furniture, and earth-toned woven bags and knitwear hanging on the wall. On her neglected balcony, a lush lawn and small trees have colonized the damp floorboards. The Mothers began demonstrating in the Plaza de Mayo, the public square located in front of the Casa Rosada presidential palace, in the city of Buenos Aires, on 30 April 1977, to petition for the alive reappearance of their disappeared children. Originally, they would remain there seated, but by declaring a state of emergency, police expelled them from the public square.

Marina did marry the rugby player, raising two children with him. And, although their marriage ended in 2005, her love for guanacos remains. Which leads to the other reason you’ve never heard of guanacos: 85 percent of them live in Argentina, whose tangled economic policies almost seem designed to ensure that you’ll never have an opportunity to buy a guanaco wool sweater in your lifetime. The guanaco, here being sheared by employees of the Payún Matrú cooperative, doesn’t have as much fluffy wool as its adorable cousin, the alpaca. But the fiber it does have is as luxurious as cashmere—and more sustainable. Photo courtesy of Payùn Matrù. SHIFTING THE FASHION INDUSTRY PARADIGM In 1978, when Argentina hosted the World Cup, the Mothers' demonstrations at the Plaza were covered by the international press in town for the sporting event. [11] With the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo, a group set up in 1977, the Mothers have identified 256 missing children who were adopted soon after being born to mothers in prison or camps who later "disappeared". Seven of the identified children have died. At the beginning of 2018, 137 of those children, now grown adults, were found and were offered to meet their biological families. [18] Some Mothers and Grandmothers suffered disappointments when the grandchildren, now adults, did not want to know their hidden history, or refused to be tested. Parents who were judged in court to be guilty of adopting – or "appropriating" – the children of the disappeared, while knowing the truth about their origins, were susceptible to imprisonment. [19] In the region’s most populous nation, Brazil, activists are waiting for the supreme court to rule on a 2018 legal challenge that would decriminalise abortion in the first weeks of pregnancy. a b "Les quitan a las madres el manejo del plan de viviendas". La Nación. Archived from the original on 9 October 2011.

Democratic opposition in Belarus: The Coordination Council / Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya / Svetlana Alexievich / Maria Kalesnikava / Volha Kavalkova / Veronika Tsepkalo / Siarhei Tsikhanouski / Ales Bialiatski / Sergei Dylevsky / Stsiapan Putsila / Mikola Statkevich (2020) Argentina is not a good place to be doing this kind of work,” says Elizabeth Gleeson, an American who founded an Argentinian artisan brand, Ursa Textiles, in 2015. It took until 2005 and DNA identification for many of the mass graves and human remains to be exhumed and cremated or buried; Azucena's ashes were interred in the Plaza de Mayo itself. [1] The Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo politicised and gave new value to the traditional role of mothers. [36] They used motherhood to frame their protest, demanding the rights inherent to their role: to conserve life. [36] They protested not only what had been done to their children, but also to themselves as mothers by taking them away. [36] The heart of the movement was always "women's feelings, mother's feelings", according to Hebe de Bonafini. [35] She further stated that "it was the strength of women, of mothers, that kept us going." [35] The women's identity as mothers did not restrict them from participating or making an impact in a masculinised political space. [36] Democratic Opposition in Venezuela: Julio Borges / Leopoldo López / Antonio Ledezma / Daniel Ceballos [ es] / Yon Goicoechea / Lorent Saleh / Alfredo Ramos [ es] / Andrea González (2017)

Alas, like Argentina’s indigenous people, the guanaco had competition from invaders. An old spinning wheel displays yarn at AYMA, one of the only places to buy guanaco fashion in Buenos Aires. Photo by Marina Zambrano. On "Little Steven" Van Zandt's 1984 release, "Voice of America", he pays tribute to Las Madres de Plaza de Mayo with his song, "Los Desaparecidos". In 1976, the Argentine military overthrew the government of Isabel Perón, the widow of populist president Juan Perón. It was part of a larger series of political coups called Operation Condor, a campaign sponsored and supported by the United States. She sends me a voice message in rapid-fire Spanish that ends with mierda (shit) and a frustrated laugh. It sounds like she’s telling me to stop asking so many annoying questions. But she deletes the message before I can translate it, then sends a more measured message in English. “I rather prefer not to talk about the government. It’s a very difficult thing and very complex. It is better to make bridges, because this is what the world is today.”Testimonio de Mirta Acuña de Baravalle / 09 de mayo 2012". Biblioteca Nacional Mariano Moreno (in Spanish). 9 May 2012 . Retrieved 11 February 2020. a b c "Encuentro Nacional de Mujeres en Rosario - 2003: Plan de lucha nacional por el derecho al aborto". Diario Digital Femenino (in Spanish). 25 September 2016 . Retrieved 23 May 2022. You can now find animaná alpaca products in U.S. online stores like Amour Vert, Jayson Home, and Nuraxi. But no guanaco, yet. Marina says she loves all of South America’s camelids and its artisans in equal measure, but the guanaco seems to have received most of her attention. In a sense, the guanaco is a four-legged emblem of what economists call the Argentine Paradox: a perplexing pattern in which this formerly prosperous country with wealth, an educated populace, and abundant resources throws it all away, again and again. SOCIALIST ENTREPRENEURSHIP The animaná store opened in Buenos Aires after import/export rules were relaxed by Argentina’s then- president, Macri. It focuses on luxurious sweaters, scarves, ponchos, and blankets hand-crafted by the region’s artisans. All are made of South American camelid fibers and Peruvian cotton. Photo by Marina Zambrano.

a b c d e f g h i j k "Why is green the color of the fight for abortion rights?". Le Monde.fr. 14 May 2022 . Retrieved 23 May 2022.

Mariela Belski, Amnesty International’s executive director in Argentina, called the result “an inspiration to the Americas”. Meade, Teresa A. (19 January 2016). A history of modern Latin America: 1800 to the present (Seconded.). Chichester, West Sussex. ISBN 9781118772485. OCLC 915135785. {{ cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher ( link) Never giving up their pressure on the regime, after the military gave up its authority to a civilian government in 1983, the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo rekindled hopes that they might learn the fates of their children, pushing again for the information. [16] Until 2018, animaná’s only boutique was in Paris. (“ Gracias a Dios,” Marina says, “they love animaná.”) For a cosmopolitan capital city, with a population of 2.94 million, Buenos Aires has only a minimal shopping culture. Merchants find it frustrating to navigate the byzantine labor and tax codes of having a storefront. To find the good stuff, tourists and residents alike have to book a personal shopper, who will take them to private studios hidden inside aging lofts and the residential apartments of designers. Marina sold animaná merchandise this way, out of her apartment, until Zambruno convinced her to open a boutique in Buenos Aires’ upscale, touristed Palermo neighborhood. a b c d e f g Bellucci, Mabel (1999). "Childless Motherhood: Interview with Nora Cortiñas, a Mother of the Plaza De Mayo, Argentina". Reproductive Health Matters. 7 (13): 83–88. doi: 10.1016/s0968-8080(99)90116-7.